From Thinking Outside the Boxe’s London Correspondent
From an American perspective, the People’s Republic of China is the problem child of international relations. With a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council and the economic strength (as the world’s second largest economy and biggest exporter of goods) to have a significant influence on the effectiveness of global policies, this new global superpower is a powerful player in international relations, but it rarely plays by the U.S.’s rules. With economic and political interests that vastly differ from American goals, China has the power to cause many problems for U.S. foreign policy. While many argue that China could have a great and positive influence on international relations, particularly with the Middle East and North Korea, the U.S. should be cautious when pushing for greater Chinese involvement on the international stage, as the two nations are unlikely to agree on the nature of a “good” outcome in negotiations.
China has a massive stake in the Middle East. The PRC buys more oil and sells more goods in the region than any other country, including the U.S. In 2009, Chinese exports to the Middle East were worth $57 billion, while imports from the Middle East were worth $61 billion. Meanwhile, Chinese construction companies are winning many contracts in the region, and Chinese banks are lending money to finance these projects, due to China’s clear stance that it will work with Middle Eastern companies and governments without pushing for reform. China is therefore highly concerned about stability in the region and is trusted by Middle Eastern governments in ways that the U.S. is not.
China has come to the defense of countries in the Middle East several times, such as vetoing a condemnation of Syria for its human rights violations and supporting Palestine’s bid for recognition from the UN in 2011. As China’s relations with the Middle East are based on a lack of international interference in internal affairs, using itself as a counterpoint to the disliked U.S., it may not be in China’s best interests to push for the type of reform that the U.S. has in mind. A more active Chinese role in international politics may therefore be detrimental, and not beneficial, to U.S. interests, even if it helps to increase international harmony as a whole.
However, China has been known to cooperate with U.S. concerns on occasion. In 2011, for example, the People’s Republic of China voted for sanctions against Iran, based on fears that a nuclear-armed Iran would cause an arms race in the region and endanger both Saudi Arabia and Iran itself, China’s top resources for the oil that powers its industry. Although China has strong economic ties with the Middle East, its relationship with the United States is even more important in terms of trade and money generated, and so some pundits claim that a more involved China would want to avoid irritating the U.S. and so be willing to cooperate. Furthermore, China wants to project the image of responsible global power to the world, and it can create this picture best by cooperating on various international issues. However, China is not easily courted. Despite intense pressure from Western nations, China has repeatedly blocked negative reports on and planned sanctions against North Korea, and it took many months of persuasion before China agreed to place economic sanctions on Iran. The final settlement was only reached with the assurance that the sanctions would not restrict China’s investment in Iran’s energy sector. Considering that energy is Iran’s biggest export, in terms of oil, this severely crippled the effectiveness of these sanctions.
The U.S. should not be surprised. China wishes to appear to be an influential and globally responsible power, but the ruling ideologies that influence its conception of responsibility are very different from those held by the U.S. Despite its economic power, China is still a developing, nominally Communist country. Its goals, and its understanding of a “fair” outcome in diplomatic situations will differ greatly from the goals and understanding of an established superpower that is accustomed to getting its own way. It does not believe that foreign countries should interfere with internal governmental affairs, even in cases of human rights violations. It believes that developing countries should be given the same chances as the superpowers of the 19th and 20th centuries, including the ability to use fossil fuels extensively to power industrial revolution and the opportunity to grow their own economies through trade on their own terms.
Most importantly, perhaps, China will ensure that its own dramatic economic growth is protected from threats such as sanctions on oil. Therefore, although the U.S. and China occasionally share common interests, the U.S. should not push for greater Chinese involvement in international affairs without being fully aware of the consequences. Far from improving U.S. relations with the Middle East, China’s foreign policy may increase the rift between the U.S. and Middle Eastern countries by offering an alternative that seems to respect their ideological goals and their political and economic interests. As the People’s Republic of China becomes more engaged in international affairs, U.S. influence over events will inevitably fall, as China as it exists today will never be an assistant or an accomplice to the United States’ foreign policy goals. It will act as a superpower in its own right, one that serves as a counterpoint to the U.S.’s past domination.
